This report is given in the interest of further research into linguistic onto-genetics; and has at its base the recent findings made by myself and Prof. Kurst Wurstwagen while visiting the small Ontario village of Port Carling, now known to be the ancient Mayan settlement of Piccu-Carlu. It was here that we discovered the small proto-Mayan pyramid circa 300 BC.
As Prof. Wurstwagen put it to me, this pyramid represents a culture whose chronological parameter places it "in a period of time characterized by the extreme concentration upon abstract geometrical patterning." Wurstwagen has also convinced me that the pyramid itself is a three-dimensional linguistic unit within a macrosyntax, a structure whose geometric necessity of expression is based upon an unconscious certainty factor within the proto-Mayan culture.
I have become convinced that the unconscious certainty factor of proto-Mayan sub-linguistic expression is responsible for the Piccu-Carlu pyramid and other such edifices to be found in Southern Ontario. If Wurstwagen is correct in his speculations that within the proto-Mayan settlement at Piccu-Carlu there arose a "context of prohibited literacy" based upon the Granite taboo and that this taboo was bypassed by the generating of a topographic cypher - a writing structured upon the absence of writing through a reading rather than an inscribing within the stone - then it follows that proto-Mayan literacy is to be found in an unconscious nonreferential macro- and micro- syntax.
It would seem through my close inspection of the surfaces of the Piccu-Carlu pyramid that the unconscious certainty factor of proto-Mayan sublinguistic expression as "a microstructural incision outside of writing" is to be found within the very textures of the pyramid's surfaces. I decided to sketch out some of the natural texture of the stone. The following sketches of a section of the pyramid's surface reveal without the shadow of a doubt that in spite of the silent cultural repression of the Granite taboo, the proto-Mayan unconscious certainty factor generated a sublinguistic hieroglyphic micro-text which acted as a written reading:
These sublinguistic glyphs acted as a complete gestalt for the proto-Mayan culture, an attempt in the face of a heavy ban on writing to realize their unconscious longing for a language as a permanent accomplishment. This confirms Karl-Heinz Wortszene's statement of 1929 that "the internal structural dynamic of the word is responsible for a society's unconscious cultural projection of itself through its language" (Truhlar, Richard: The Crisis of the Cultural Master Work in Linguistic Onto-Genetics, 1979 - found in Wortszene's first letter to P. Heinz Purscher dated May 3, 1929). In fact it would seem that the psychodramatic struggle of the proto-Mayan Piccu-Carlu settlement to realize some form of linguistic expression while living under a highly repressive linguistic taboo finds itself projected through an unconscious cultural structuration of a nonreferential macro- and micro-syntax involving both sublinguistic glyph and topographic cypher.
The topographic cypher seems to be the pyramid itself, also acting as a gestalt in the proto-Mayan psychodrama. But as proto-Mayan literacy is a truncated literacy, so the Piccu-Carlu pyramid is a truncated pyramid never reaching completion at its apex (shown in the following diagram).
In light of my previous research into linguistic onto-genetics (see Wortszene's three-dimensional figure for Indo-Germanic as a five-sided pyramid with a ratio 5 to 1 'plants' over 'shifters'), it would seem that the Piccu-Carlu pyramid is an unconscious attempt at a macro-syntactical linguistic figure equal to that which would render their writing as a permanent accomplishment in language history.
But while the unconscious certainty factor is present in proto-Mayan culture, the psychodramatic effect of the Granite taboo has been devastating, rendering the proto-Mayan language as a continuously abstracted topographic cypher - as a 'shifting' language caught between linguistic repression and expression as manual inscription.
That the proto-Mayan language was a 'shifting' language (i.e., having more 'shifters' than 'plants' in Wortszene's sense) can be demonstrated from the following fragment of text which I obtained from Prof. Wurstwagen for inclusion in this report: GRANDA MAMA MA MAYA.
This was essentially a verbal text which the proto-Mayans chanted during various ceremonial functions, and which appears as the four sublinguistic glyphs which I presented in sketched form earlier in this report. It has an inordinate number of 'shifters' over 'plants' (12 to 4), which when chanted would render the society's cultural attitudes and knowledge of itself for the most part unconscious, denying it the possibility of language as statement, as a permanent accomplishment in linguistic history.
When the above proto-Mayan text is translated into modern English it reads: great mother of Maya; inevitably pointing to the fact that, at this point in history, the proto-Mayan culture was matriarchal. This is a highly significant discovery in the field of linguistic onto-genetic research confirming Wortszene's theory that 'shifting' cultures are predominantly matriarchal societies and 'planted' cultures are predominantly patriarchal societies (Wortszene, Karl-Heinz: Linguistic Master-Work of the Fatherland, February 14, 1933).
It is the nature of a 'shifting' culture to shift location as well as its language. If the proto-Mayan society had remained in Piccu-Carlu it would have eventually 'shifted' itself into total extinction; but the strong unconscious certainty factor in proto-Mayan psychodrama led to a dramatic shift of locale down into the Yucatan Peninsula where, over the years, the Granite taboo was forgotten and a more sympathetic Mayan grammatology could emerge. The nomadic nature of the tribes which became proto-Mayan, and eventually Mayan, cultures has been previously documented by Count Jurgen, and need not be gone into detail here. Suffice it to say that proto-Mayan culture, in order to survive as a culture at all, had to follow the unconscious certainty factor of its longing for a language as a permanent accomplishment.
APPENDIX
As an appendix to this report I wish to provide the members of the Constructivist Institute with further material gathered at the Piccu-Carlu site. The following are other sublinguistic glyphs not given in the report proper. They are presently being translated by Prof. Wurstwagen:
The following is a diagram of one of the pyramid's surfaces showing the abstract patterning of sublinguistic glyph conglomerates. Notice that they follow the natural striation of the granite:
The above diagram is a mapping of the telluric pulse rhyme as proto-Mayan sublinguistic glyphs move across the surface of the Piccu-Carlu pyramid. The figure marked 'A' is a point of consonance in the rhyme structure vibrating along the granite striation marks (A: 'shifters', B: 'plants). In the diagram there are 6 'shifters' and 2 'plants' which confirms the 12:4 ratio stated in the report proper.
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Truhlar (L) sketching sublinguistic glyphs on pyramid's surface; as Wurstwagen (R) marks tellurgic pulse rhyme.
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Wurstwagen (L) and Truhlar (R) discover ancient glyphs among recent graffiti at the granite cuts on the outskirts of Port Carling.
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This report was orginally published in Canadian "Pataphysics (Underwhich Editions, Toronto, Canada, 1981), and in Open Letter (Fourth Series, Nos. 6&7, Toronto, Canada, 1980-81).
Lingua quo tendis